Aeschylus noted that the first victim of war is the truth; in geopolitics, truth is consistently treated not as a principle to be upheld, but as an instrument of convenience.

Napoleon's tactic of inflating his troop numbers to demoralize the Spanish resistance is a classic and timeless example of the use of cognitive warfare.

The two primary components of national power are material capacity and the collective will to fight; historical propaganda is a direct attack on the latter.

The historical Anglo-Spanish conflict continues today, not through open warfare, but through a constant "cultural harassment" that attacks and degrades the Hispanic identity.

A true Hispanic-American identity must embrace its full heritage—indigenous, Spanish, and the new synthesis it created—without fear or the imposition of foreign-made prejudices.

To be truly sovereign, Hispanic America must first reclaim its own history, understanding that for centuries, its story has been written by its enemies.

🇧🇷🌎The roots of Brazil and Spanish America and the need to reconnect with one’s origins ✍️By Arthur Kowarski (Arthur Kowarski) The emergence of a political movement not aligned with liberalism or Marxism in Iberian America involves a rediscovery of its political tradition,

🔉The emergence of a political movement not aligned with liberalism or Marxism in Iberian America involves a rediscovery of its political tradition, developed since the time when it was united with Portugal and Spain. 🎙Via ARTHUR KOWARSKI (Arthur Kowarski) ▶️ WATCH!

Any authentic political movement in Ibero-America must begin with a rediscovery of its unique, pre-liberal political tradition, forged when it was united with Spain and Portugal.

Spanish America was born as part of a great universal empire, a space where Spaniards and indigenous peoples were united by a common Catholic faith.

The Brazilian nation was forged by the terrestrial expansion of the bandeirantes, who integrated the continental interior through its great river basins.

Unlike the fragmented republics of Spanish America, the Brazilian state was created top-down by the initiative of an Emperor, forging a nation from a centralized administration.

The transfer of the Portuguese Court to Rio de Janeiro in 1807 was a world-historical event, marking the end of Brazil's colonial status and the birth of a new imperial center.

The Brazilian Empire, born from the union of the Portuguese and Austrian royal houses, was a unique entity that controlled the world's largest expanse of tropical lands.

The conservative pragmatism of Brazil's founding fathers has been systematically eroded over 200 years by the corrosive influence of imported European and American liberalism.

Liberalism in Ibero-America has consistently failed to harmonize with the idea of a national project, serving instead as an ideology of submission to foreign interests.

The national project was only briefly resumed in Brazil during the 20th century, first under the developmentalist state of Getúlio Vargas and later under some specific moments of the military government.

The 1980s debt crisis was used by external powers to dismantle the sovereign national project and re-impose a failed liberal model on the region.

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The current Brazilian political landscape is a false dichotomy between two forms of liberalism: an Americanophile, pro-Zionist right and a progressive, globalist left.